NAFTA has boosted Mexican agricultural exports to the United States, which have tripled since the pact was implemented. Hundreds of thousands of jobs in the automotive industry have also been created in the country and most studies [PDF] have found that the agreement has increased productivity and reduced consumer prices in Mexico. A “secondary agreement” reached in August 1993 on the application of existing domestic labour law, the North American Convention on Labour Cooperation (NAALC) , was severely restricted. With regard to health and safety standards and child labour law, it excluded collective bargaining issues, and its “control teeth” were only accessible at the end of a “long and painful” dispute.  The obligations to enforce existing labour law have also raised questions of democratic practice.  The Canadian anti-NAFTA coalition Pro-Canada Network suggested that guarantees of minimum standards in the absence of “extensive democratic reforms in the [Mexican] courts, unions and government” would be of no use.  However, subsequent evaluations indicated that NAALC`s principles and complaint mechanisms “created a new space for princes to form coalitions and take concrete steps to articulate the challenges of the status quo and promote the interests of workers.”  In late 2019, the Trump administration received support from Democrats in Congress for the USMCA, after agreeing to strengthen the implementation of employment services. In the updated pact, the parties agreed on a number of changes: the rules of origin for the automotive industry have been strengthened, so that 75% of each vehicle must come from the Member States, compared to 62.5%; and new work rules have been added, which require 40 percent of each vehicle from factories that pay at least $16 an hour. A proposal to extend intellectual property protection for U.S. pharmaceuticals – a red line for U.S. negotiators – has been sacrificed.
The USMCA is also upgrading the controversial investor-state dispute settlement mechanism, eliminating it completely with Canada and limiting it to certain sectors with Mexico, including oil and gas and telecommunications. Neither the worst fears of Canadian trade opponents – that open trade would erode the country`s manufacturing sector – nor the highest hopes of NAFTA proponents – that this would lead to a rapid increase in productivity – have been realized. Employment in Canada`s manufacturing sector has remained stable, but the productivity gap between the Canadian and U.S. economies has not been closed: until 2017, Canada`s labour productivity remained at 72% of the U.S. level. The former Canada-U.S. free trade agreement was the subject of controversy and controversy in Canada and was touted as a theme in the 1988 Canadian election. In this election, more Canadians voted for the anti-free trade parties (Liberals and New Democrats), but the split of votes between the two parties meant that the pro-free progressive Conservatives (PCs) came out of the polls with the largest number of seats and thus took power. Mulroney and the CPCs had a parliamentary majority and passed the NAFTA bills and bills passed by Canada and the United States in 1987 without any problems. Mulroney was, however, replaced by Kim Campbell as head of the Conservatives and Prime Ministers.